What do we Vote for at an Election?

This headline may seem the silliest question that I have ever posed. The answer is simple right? We vote to elect Ministers. Inaccurate! we vote for a Chief Minister? Inaccurate! The consequence of what we vote for, which is Members of Parliament,  is to elect the executive arm of government i.e. the Ministers and a Chief Minister but that is not what primarily we vote for.

What then is it that the the system should deliver to us at an election? Simple really, to elect individual candidates into Parliament from amongst whom a government is formed, from amongst whom a Chief Minister emerges, who is the leader of the majority party in Parliament. Those who do not belong to the government benches join the opposition benches. The party on the opposition benches having the most seats becomes the official opposition from amongst whom there emerges a Leader of the Opposition, being the leader of that party, so we do not elect a Leader of the Opposition either.

Does the distinction that I make matter? I believe that it does because an understanding of this distinctions, in my view, will help voters to decide how and whom to vote for. The issue is one of emphasis. Gibraltar has a parliamentary system of government based on the Westminster model. The missing element in Gibraltar is that we do not have constituencies. In the UK voters elect an MP to represent them in Parliament. Although there is a party system and that pulls in electors both because of party and ideological reasons, there is also a more direct relationship with an individual person who becomes ones representative in Parliament.

The effect of this is twofold, theoretically (and it has happened) the possibility exists that persons who are earmarked for high ministerial office do not get elected into Parliament and so are excluded by the electorate from forming part of the executive arm of government. Additionally it results in the executive arm of government being chosen from amongst a large group of elected representatives being members of the party or coalition who have the majority in Parliament and so can form government. Those who are not chosen for ministerial office do not form part of the executive arm of government but become backbenchers.

It is these MPs, together with the opposition and cross-bench MPs (in the past the Liberal Democrats) who make up the check and balance in the legislature. It is these MPs who can defeat the executive arm of government. It may be rare. It may be that the whip system diminishes the chances of it happening. However, the possibility acts as a a brake. It has happened that governments have been defeated. This brake, together with the power of the House of Lords, does and has led to legislative amendment and withdrawal of both legislation and policies. The most recent example in the UK is the proposed health reforms that are now on hold for further debate and review.

In Gibraltar this does not happen. Not because the electoral system does not permit it but by the effect of the electoral system combined with voting habits that have been ingrained over the years through persuasion of voters  by politicians. The reality is that the block vote has been ingrained in us. We fail to analyse and evaluate individual candidates and vote for parties. The effect of his is, that a strong leader can manouvre himself into a position that he can put forward weak candidates, get them elected and reinforce the centralisation of power in the Chief Minister, thereby undermining democracy.

Peter Caruana has understood this over the years and used it very effectively to rule Gibraltar. The GSLP are now making enormous efforts to counteract this. First Fabian Picardo has spent time emphasising that he will engage in cabinet style government. Secondly, the GSLP seem to be gathering around themselves a stronger candidature than it has been able to gather together for a number of years. Two sound advances but not an institutionalised change in the electoral or parliamentary system. It is a change that can be and time may well reverse, especially as gathering stronger candidates becomes more feasible for the party which is perceived by potential candidates to stand a better chance of election at any given election.

The solution is, as I have said over and over again, for there to be electoral and parliamentary reform. I have made suggestions. the GSD Government have published proposals that I have already said do not go far enough. The GSD Government have asked the GSLP/liberal Opposition to put forward suggestions. The GSD Government have indicated a desire to enact and implement the reforms before the forthcoming election. To date the GSLP/Liberal Opposition has not engaged in constructive and substantive debate on the issue.

I hope this is not because the GSLP/Liberal Opposition considers itself poised for an election win and so does not want the inconvenience of systemic changes that introduce democratic counterbalances that past governments have not had to work within. In short that they do not want to create a rod for their own backs. Whatever the reforms that come about might be, they are needed and let cynicism not stand in their way. What I ask is that the reforms should provide, in a different way because, for obvious reasons, they cannot be provided in Gibraltar in the same fashion, the democratic safeguards that exist in the Westminster Parliament that our constitution has tried to emulate but only suceeded partially in doing so. I also ask that individual electors look at and vote for individuals, irrespective of party allegiances, who will be good parliamentarians and hold the executive arm of government to account.